The Russian Revolution of 1917 erupted on the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of Karl Marx’s Capital. From the start, the October Revolution seemed both to confirm and contradict Marx’s analysis. He had envisioned a working-class-based socialist revolution breaking out in the developed capitalist countries of Western Europe. But the 1882 preface to the Communist Manifesto, written a year before his death, amended this by pointing to a revolution in Russia as a possible “signal for proletarian revolution in the West.”1 Yet although a worker-peasant revolution under Marxist leadership triumphed in Russia in 1917, Russia was still a largely underdeveloped country, and the revolutionary uprisings in Germany and Central Europe which followed were weak and easily extinguished.

But Beijing has no intention to target Washington, and the conditions are immature for it to replace Washington in shaping the international order. Therefore, even if China is dissatisfied with the current international order, it will not replace the US in making new rules in Asia and the whole world. China is not rewriting the rules, but is attempting to have a higher status in rule-making. Therefore, there is enormous room for Beijing and Washington to negotiate and cooperate. The US can transfer some power to China so that the two countries can jointly shape the international order. In the meantime, China should clarify that it is an upholder of the current order. China is just trying to reform the rights granted to developing countries.

Se ha producido en estas elecciones un desmantelamiento del régimen electoral que con tanto esfuerzo se había logrado montar desde el año 2004. En un país tan polarizado, con tanta violencia, este desmantelamiento no es poca cosa. Nos deja sin un pilar fundamental de las posibilidades de la convivencia democrática. Ya no contamos con un árbitro confiable. Ya no se trata de si se realizarán o no elecciones, igualmente hay que interrogarse sobre el para qué de procesos electorales si el supuesto árbitro neutral, pública y notoriamente, ha dejado de serlo. ¿Qué ocurrirá en el país si esto conduce al cierre total de toda opción electoral? ¿Significará que se instalará la violencia, el terrorismo paramilitar y la represión estatal como la forma de procesar nuestras inevitables diferencias?

First of all, I’d like to remind everyone that we started a process of collective thinking 27 years ago in Bálványosfürdő, a few kilometres from here. That is where we came to a realisation. Just think back: at that time, at the beginning of the nineties, most people – not only in Hungary, but also across the whole of Central Europe – thought that full assimilation into the Western world was just opening up to us again. The obvious approach was adjustment to that world: to in a way shed our skin and grow a new, fashionable Western skin. From this it followed that in our politics we would simply need to copy what they were doing in the West. Back then – 27 years, 28 years ago – we came together here, and we thought that we freedom fighters living on this side of the Iron Curtain could also have something valuable to say to a Europe which had by then been living in peace, freedom and prosperity for forty years. Back then we weren’t surrounded by television cameras, and our words commanded no attention whatsoever.

In this paper, we propose an interpretation of the Hilbert space method used in quantum theory in the context of decision making under uncertainty. For a clear comparison we will stay as close as possible to the framework of SEU suggested by Savage. We will use the Ellsberg-paradox to illustrate the potential of our approach to deal with well-known paradoxa of decision theory.

Nothing is certain in politics except that nothing is certain. It is quite possible that the large scale support of well-to-do and well meaning liberals slips noiselessly away from any association with the militants of group 4, while the bonds between 2 and 3 may weaken in coming years as well. The cards may be reshuffled and dealt. Another movement, sufficiently organized and willing to exploit and where possible to widen existing rifts among these left groups, highlight and encourage doubts, could welcome disillusioned idealists from groups 1 and 3 to a quite new political home. Politics is the practice of the possible

Chaos associated with bifurcation makes a new science, but the origin and essence of chaos are not yet clear. Based on the well-known logistic map, chaos used to be regarded as intrinsic randomicity of determinate dynamics systems. However, urbanization dynamics indicates new explanation about it. Using mathematical derivation, numerical computation, and empirical analysis, we can explore chaotic dynamics of urbanization. The key is the formula of urbanization level. The urbanization curve can be described with the logistic function, which can be transformed into 1-dimensional map and thus produce bifurcation and chaos. On the other hand, the logistic model of urbanization curve can be derived from the rural-urban population interaction model, and the rural-urban interaction model can be discretized to a 2-dimensional map. An interesting finding is that the 2-dimensional rural-urban coupling map can create the same bifurcation and chaos patterns as those from the 1-dimensional logistic map.

Con la ANC el gobierno posterga urgentes medidas económicas que reclama el país. Ha creado la expectativa, en la base de sus seguidores, de que la constituyente será de reconciliación y paz nacional, pero es todo lo contrario. Con la ANC el gobierno se aleja de su función y de las soluciones que debería darle a los problemas económicos y sociales al postergar las decisiones de política cambiaria, fiscal, monetaria, petrolera, de precios, deuda externa, agrícola e industrial. Lo más delicado es que descuida la creación de un ambiente propicio para la inversión productiva, que permita reactivar la producción agrícola, industrial y petrolera para superar la grave crisis de la escasez de alimentos, medicinas y divisas que sufre el país.

Creo que la hipótesis comunista y la experiencia comunista están en un estado de extrema debilidad en todo el mundo. Y, como es natural, Francia no es una excepción. Y lo están tanto más cuanto que son objeto de confusiones considerables. Por ejemplo, el partido en el poder en China se sigue denominando «Partido Comunista» aunque a todas luces se trata de una potencia capitalista emergente que se dispone a disputar la hegemonía mundial a Estados Unidos. Otro ejemplo de este tipo de paradoja: en Francia tenemos un Partido Comunista que todavía subsiste, el PCF, pero que fuera de su nombre nunca pronuncia la palabra «comunista».

Indeed, opportunities abound for the United States and India to keep working together, including in ways that uphold the “America First” principle and reflect Trump’s transactional approach to foreign relationships. These include counterterrorism, to help preempt threats to the U.S. homeland and to U.S. interests abroad, as well as arms deals, which are bound to intensify given Washington’s decision, in the waning days of the Obama administration, to grant India the status of major defense partner. For a security-focused, deal-oriented leader like Trump, arms sales should be a very easy sell. Cybersecurity—which both Trump and Modi have highlighted as domestic priorities—is another promising space for greater collaboration.